Skip to main content
The Demolition Derby

The Republican campaign for president has become a farce. It was always likely that it would do so; serious candidates like Daniels, Petraeus, Bush, Ryan, Pence, and I suppose Powell and Rice stayed well clear, and the field was dominated by people who couldn't possibly run again in 2016, so there was never going to be much restraint. I was also surprised that the GOP establishment, judging by endorsements, thought such a deeply flawed, Wall Street candidate as Mitt Romney--one eyebrow away from a snitty explosion at any given time--could be elevated over their base. I guess I presumed that they had Perry in as insurance, and I wish I knew what had kept Sarah Palin out.

However--and some may think this appropriate given the forest of delusion into which the republicans have wandered for some time--things have now reached some form of psychic impasse. We have, in no particular order, a thrice-married (and twice badly divorced) 'Catholic', playing on racism and dog-whistle victimhood to proclaim himself a winner, with bags attached that a budget airline would never allow on board. We've got a 'pro-life' Catholic who seems to want to keep women out of politics, to bomb what he can't invade, and to put criminals to the sword, presumably on the "Caedite eos, Novit enim Dominus qui sunt eius" basis. Ron Paul, for whom I have some affection, is wandering around demanding public accountability for everyone except for newsletters he sent out marked with his name; and, well, Willard is being given a pasting everywhere, for everything except his Mormonism.

This is the bit, presumably, where I am supposed to go all European and condescend to note that American evangelicals and Christians won't vote Mormon, but that's bunk really. If they'll vote Catholic, they'll vote for anyone, and besides, it's not as though Mormon candidacies were anything new. Arizona's history, as the Goldwater and Udall families showed, is as much a story of Jews and Mormons as anything, and it was the epicenter of modern conservative movements. I wish Mo Udall had won in 1976, by the way; in retrospect, he seems to my mind the only presidential candidate better than Gerry Ford. There have been dozens of Mormon politicians and very few eyebrows have been raised, though I still recall a little surprise when I found out that Eldridge Cleaver ended up one. Divorces don't matter much either, in the scheme of things; by any measure, Anthony Eden, for instance, would have graced any state, separated or not. It's just a human tragedy.

What will now happen, given Newt Gingrich's victory in South Carolina last night, is a nasty and long slog, which the candidates somehow seem to deserve. Florida is the last primary before a slew of caucuses (caucii?), which will go on until the coordinated primaries of later in the year. The move of that state forward was meant to make it a key battleground, but what has instead happened is that Florida pushed Iowa and New Hampshire too close together. Iowa came too early, and given the Paul surge, was therefore difficult to manipulate, leading GOP bosses into a botched tie between the two acceptable candidates (it makes sense if you know how to steal a caucus). New Hampshire then followed too soon, and prevented the revelation of how weak Romney was. I was amused to learn that, in the first voting at Dixville Notch, Barack Obama won. Republicans had better get used to that, because I think that an Obama victory in the electoral college beckons.

The fact that things now go into obscure caucuses, most of which are clearly not on a unit rule, means that well-organised and determined campaigns can now pick up delegates all over the place. With Newt surfing anger, Ron Paul turning those delegates into a bloc, and Romney on the negative warpath, the eventual convention may end up divided in three-and a half exclusive and irreconcilable ways, leading to an unelectable platform, or a bolt. I suppose that a brokered convention--a perennial hope of mine--is a possibility, as is an imposed candidate, but that would seal failure as surely as Mondale's last Senate candidacy did for the Democrats in Minnesota.

In the meantime, the real world unfolds. The President seems to be resisting pressure to get into what at one point may have been an American Suez. The economy is still two inches from the brink, with three wheels on the wagon, but the Cherokee haven't yet noticed. Virtually no American statistic is reliable, and Wall Street appears to be aggressively begging again whilst the MERS scandal ticks down in the background. Nothing to see here, move along please, move along....

Comments

Popular posts from this blog

What really happened to JFK and America in Dallas?

 I realised some time ago that my students do not understand references to the events of November 1963 in Dallas anymore. So I have been using a break to compile a briefing book on the events, the use of commissions and enquiries to pursue particular narratives, and the embedding of the JFK assassination in American culture. This is the first chapter. It is a very long read. All mistakes are my own.  Before the Assassination Lee Harvey Oswald was a US Marine and radar operator at the Atsugi naval base, carrying an elevated clearance. He was also learning Russian and loudly proclaiming his Marxist-Leninist sympathies. These were not investigated or treated as a security risk. [1] Whilst at Atsugi, Oswald probably became one of a number of American marines in a programme to identify moles within the security establishment. This required him to cut his Marine service short by suggesting that he had to look after a sick mother, and also that he wished to seek higher education ...
I resign from the Labour Party The likes of Andy Burnham, Hazel Blears, Mary Honeyball and Luke Akehurst are now representative of the Labour Party. They have at least given me a clear mind in recent days, and for that, I suppose, I should be grateful. I have been a Labour member since I was 16, in a steeltown. I can just about accept that student union hacks with no proper job experience can spend their time undercutting unions and selling public administration to their mates, because something could arise that may be better. I can also accept that some immigrants, because of a misplaced desire to avoid the appearance of racism, are more 'acceptable' to the Left than others, so my own family's Irish Catholicism can be something to be sneered at by the ranks of Labour activists. I can accept that there may be a fiscal case for not taxing the super rich with capital gains, but not for truckling to them or sucking up to the likes of Rupert Murdoch. I can accept that there mig...

AI and I write about Boolean Logic and conspiracies

 AI and I have been trying to make sense of what I think about the emerging political and legal landscape online. I'd thought of this as a lecture series building on somewhat vague ideas I had about what AI is, where it comes from, and how to use it for the purposes of merging Catholic thought with Georgism to escape liberalism. All quite soupy stuff. Here is one of our efforts. The Devil’s Boolean: How Modernity Turned Us Into Conspiracy Machines Modern democracies rest on a paradox. They promise freedom, rational control, and technological progress—yet deliver burnout, conspiracy, and deepening distrust. Tools meant to liberate us—social media, artificial intelligence, the market—now trap us in a relentless binary logic: success or failure, visibility or obscurity, control or collapse. That binary—what might be called a Boolean logic of the self —runs deeper than technology. It comes out of a Protestant-inflected culture that prizes achievement as a moral duty. As philosopher...